Cognitive justice names the conditions of a shared intellectual autonomy. It appears once one realises that the digital question is not only about individual uses, but also about their social distribution. Not everyone enters the algorithmic world in the same way. Some learn to use systems, understand their logics, keep a critical distance and turn AI into a support for thought. Others are mainly led to consume answers, depend on assistance and form themselves within a universe of permanent validation. Cognitive justice names this line of fracture: who learns to master technical mediations, and who learns to live under their hold?
The natural and political extension of dispossession
Dispossession of the educational subject describes a gradual transfer of memory, judgement, orientation and decision towards opaque systems. Cognitive justice is its natural, and indeed political, extension because dispossession is never neutral nor evenly distributed. As soon as this loss of mastery affects subjects differently according to their milieu, their mediations and the frames within which they learn, it stops being only a matter of use and becomes a matter of justice.
The same technology may become, for some, an instrument of clarification, exploration or creation; for others, a device of soft dependence, impoverishing simplification or submission to recommendations. Inside the cognitive multiverse, where provenance blurs, the capacity to identify mediations becomes an unequally distributed resource. The issue is therefore not only what tools do in general. It is also the unequal way in which subjects are prepared, accompanied or simply left alone in front of them.
Cognitive justice begins where we refuse to confuse the generalisation of use with the real sharing of mastery. A society may connect its members massively without granting all of them the same power over systems. It may make tools available without distributing equitably the capacity to understand their limits, discuss their criteria, identify their biases or suspend their hold. Inequality is then no longer only economic or technical. It becomes cognitive: it touches the very relation to knowledge, decision and the possibility of exercising judgement.
Not merely the digital divide
Cognitive justice cannot be reduced to the digital divide in its classical sense. Access to devices, a stable connection or quality resources obviously remains decisive. But inequality goes further. It touches accompaniment, the capacity to formulate good questions, to recognise what a system can truly do and what it merely imitates, to distinguish a synthesis from an understanding, a recommendation from a choice. One may own a smartphone, an account and even a conversational assistant, while remaining deeply dependent on logics one does not understand.
Where the classical digital divide measures a gap of access, cognitive justice looks at a gap of understanding, accompaniment, interpretive power and right to contestation. It asks not only who owns a device, but who understands how it shapes experience, who can discuss its criteria, who can use it without surrendering to it, and who is instead condemned to follow outputs they cannot reinterpret or contest.
The myth of the digital native precisely obscures this reality.[3] Young people do not naturally possess the competences required to navigate digital environments lucidly. Their practices are often limited, weakly reflexive and strongly conditioned by their social milieu. As the book insists, the digital divide is often compounded by a divide in uses.[1] Some benefit from an entourage that explains, questions and creates distance. Others are mainly exposed to devices without critical language and without structured learning. Inequality thus lies not only in the presence or absence of a tool, but in the presence or absence of an accompaniment that allows one to become the subject of one's uses.
Who learns to steer, who learns to obey?
Cognitive injustice first forms through the unequal distribution of mediations. In some milieus, AI will be used as a critical partner: pupils will learn to compare its answers, contradict it, make it explain its assumptions and refuse to confuse it with judgement. Elsewhere, it will mainly become a provider of quick answers, a permanent crutch, a way of avoiding effort or uncertainty. The tool does not change; the environment of meaning and demand into which it is introduced does.
It also forms within institutions themselves. Automated pathways, recommender systems, black boxes of orientation or opaque criteria of evaluation may claim efficiency while widening gaps of mastery. Parcoursup is enlightening here: when complex mechanisms distribute trajectories without being fully intelligible to those they affect, inequality is not only suffered; it becomes hard even to name and contest.[2] Cognitive justice therefore requires a real right to understand, not only to endure decisions presented as technical.
Finally, it forms through the confusion between assistance and autonomy. Tools that simplify search, writing or orientation may free time, but they may also install dependence when subjects do not develop the skills required to do without them, criticise them or reconfigure them. The same devices do not have the same effects depending on whether they extend an already formed subject or substitute themselves for a subject that has not yet secured its own supports. A society that massively delegates its operations of thought without distributing their mastery equitably prepares a deep fracture between those who steer systems and those who live under their hold. Cognitive justice is the name of that fracture once we take it seriously.
Why school is decisive
School is decisive because it can still make the mastery of systems a common good rather than a privilege of milieu. The book states this explicitly: school must provide the accompaniment that many pupils will not find elsewhere, especially where the digital divide is compounded by a divide in uses.[1] If it renounces this role, the market will distribute competences on its own: a few will learn to interpret tools and preserve their judgement, while many others will mainly learn to click, ask, consume and obey. What is at stake is not only school success. It is the conditions of a minimal intellectual citizenship in the algorithmic age.
Working on cognitive justice at school therefore requires more than technical initiation. A school concerned with cognitive justice must at least redistribute four things: a language for describing systems and their effects; situations where one still learns without permanent assistance; a right to explanation, doubt and contestation; and uses of AI that genuinely support judgement instead of short-circuiting it. This is where digital metacognition becomes decisive: it makes the effects of tools on attention, effort, trust and decision-making visible.
It also requires shared frameworks, charts that carry meaning, rites of entry into connected life and adult training able to prevent innovation from spreading faster than our collective intelligence of its effects. Cognitive justice does not demand that everyone become an expert; it demands that no one be condemned to obedience for lack of the means to understand.
What building cognitive justice means
Building cognitive justice does not mean promising a perfect equality of talents or trajectories. It means aiming at a common threshold of mastery: that everyone may understand the broad logics traversing systems, perceive their effects, exercise a right to doubt, verification and contestation. The new UNESCO AI competency frameworks are useful here: they remind us that such learning must include technical, critical, ethical, creative and reflexive dimensions, and should not be reserved for an already favoured minority, but conceived as a shared horizon for students and teachers.[4][5]
Such justice does not oppose the use of AI. It opposes its use without a shared distribution of mastery. It thus joins the idea of responsible digital autonomy: living with the tools of one's time without surrendering thought to them. The real issue is not whether some will become highly competent. It is whether we accept that a growing part of the population be trained to cognitive obedience while another part learns to pilot technical mediations. Cognitive justice is the effort to prevent that separation from becoming our normality, and to orient this transformation toward the emancipation of all rather than the deepening of inequalities.
References
[1] Ahmed Messaoudi (2025). Reinventing School in the Age of Artificial Intelligence. L'Harmattan.
[2] H. Eloi-Hammer (2025). “Selecting in Order to Rule Better: an Inquiry into Parcoursup's Local Algorithms.” Multitudes, no. 98.
[3] Sherry Turkle (2015). Alone Together. Basic Books.
[4] UNESCO (2025). What you need to know about UNESCO's new AI competency frameworks for students and teachers. Link.
[5] UNESCO (2025). AI competency framework for learners. Link.
Frequently asked questions
What is cognitive justice? Cognitive justice names the conditions of a shared intellectual autonomy: it asks about the inequality between those who learn to master systems and those who mainly learn to obey them.
How is cognitive justice different from the digital divide? The digital divide concerns access to tools. Cognitive justice also concerns access to their understanding, their critique, their mastery and the effective right to remain a subject in front of them.
What should a school concerned with cognitive justice redistribute? A language for understanding systems, spaces without permanent assistance, a right to explanation and contestation, and uses of AI that support judgement instead of short-circuiting it.